Experimenting with Provisional Selves
Herminia Ibarra's research into professional identity reveals three basic tasks in the transition of professionals to more senior roles: 1) observing role models to identify potential identities; 2) experimenting with provisional selves; and 3) evaluating experience against internal standards and external feedback. This excerpt looks at the second part of the process. See the sidebar, About the Provisional Selves study, for more information.
The process of acquiring behavioral skills, such as learning an effective professional style, is different from learning factual knowledge in that behavioral skills must be refined and perfected experientially (Bandura, 1977). As one participant noted, "40 percent is seeing [what senior people do], 60 percent is mustering the courage to try it yourself". Of the 22 participants who described their experiments, five reported assuming the role with natural aplomb (e.g., "Being a consultant is all second nature to me, maybe due to my legal training. Client interaction is straightforward. I've always gotten along well with clients. My style is formal, serious and aloof. It works with the clients I have") or simply reported what kind of image they tried to convey to their clients. The remainder, however, reported trial-and-error attempts to forge a more effective image. As illustrated in table 4, these fell into two broad categories, which I labeled imitation and true-to-self strategies.
Imitation strategies. The most prevalent form of experimentation reported by participants was imitation. The data suggested two distinct forms of imitation: wholesale and selective. Wholesale imitation refers to experimenting strategies in which the junior person mimics the self-presentation style of a single role model, holistically, without much adaptation. Selective imitation refers to experiments in which the junior person emulates distinct traits or behaviors selected from a broader array of role models, choosing bits and pieces from different people to create a customized model.
Those using wholesale imitation tended to mimic their most proximate or salient role models, typically the senior person with whom they had worked most closely to date. The second quote in table 4 illustrates wholesale imitation well. This junior consultant had developed a role prototype for effective client interaction based on his boss's "aggressive" persona but found that he "overcompensated by being arrogant with the client." Rather than searching for or selecting an identity match, the participant constructed a provisional self based on stylistic elements borrowed from this model but that did not fit his own natural inclinations. In other cases, participants created a provisional self based on mannerisms and routines acquired from senior people they perceived as similar to them but whose approach they failed to tailor sufficiently to their own circumstances. Similarity did not guarantee constructing a satisfactory image because the senior model was inevitably different from the junior participants on other dimensions such as age and experience (e.g., "he gets the business that way, but he already has the relationships.").
Participants were well aware of the limitations of wholesale imitation strategies. As one explained, wholesale imitation is a provisional measure to be modified and improved upon with experience: "There are many people who seem to have become the person they work for. They model themselves totally on the senior person. It's probably a good temporary device. As you get more confident you may be able to put in more of yourself. You eventually arrive at something that works". This more sophisticated, second form of mimicry, which I labeled selective imitation, involves selecting bits and pieces of skills and styles acquired from multiple role models and combining these with one's own to craft a more self-tailored persona. The first quote illustrating the selective imitation strategy in table 4 is a good example of this strategy of "trying on different styles, like different clothes, almost." As the quotes in table 4 show, people using selective imitation strategies have more varied repertoires at their disposal, assembled from a greater number and diversity of models and possible selves than those using wholesale imitation. The resulting identities are provisional, however, in that they have yet to be refined with experience and internalized as enduring aspects of a coherent professional identity.
True-to-self strategies. The second form of experimenting with provisional selves described by participants was characterized by a dominant concern with authenticity, defined as the degree of congruence between what one feels and what one communicates in public behavior about one's character or competence (McIntosh, 1989: 1). This theme was manifest in strong claims about the importance of "being yourself," expressions of disdain for "faking it," and a refusal to use imitation to improve their effectiveness in the new role. References to caution and modesty were frequent in their descriptions: acutely aware of their limitations, participants using true-to-self strategies avoided pretension or exaggerated displays of confidence, for example, trading the possibility of a good first impression with a client for credibility over the long term. Related to this theme was a focus on substance over form: "I work to develop more of a relationship [with clients], so they value my expertise, not some signal of value how I present myself, what clothes I wear, how I speak, do I give a slick presentation". Rather than trying out unfamiliar behaviors and unpracticed routines, these participants clung to their old role identities, attempting to transfer to the new role some of the styles, skills, and behaviors they had perfected in earlier, more junior roles. Typically, they relied on their technical and analytic skills to craft a "well-prepared" provisional self, as exemplified by the second quote illustrating true-to-self strategies in table 4. Although this consultant reported "making progress," she was still uncomfortable with the role. Despite the priority accorded to authenticity, these strategies were provisional in two regards. First, although acting in congruence with their feelings of immaturity and inexperience in the new role, these participants experienced discordance between their current and ideal selves. They hoped to overcome their hesitancy in expressing themselves with clients and thus improve their ability to convey their "true competence and character." Second, as discussed further below, their bias in favor of existing routines over new alternatives limited the growth of their repertoires, providing a meager store of material and experience base from which to select and retain possibilities.
By experimenting with provisional selves, participants in this study put to practical test their repertoire of possibilities. Some fashioned provisional selves from repertoires of styles and tactics that felt familiar and authentic but were clearly inappropriate for the new role; others tried out provisional selves based on unpracticed repertoires or fashioned from elements they perceived as discordant with either salient self-conceptions or desired selves. Yet others combined familiar and unfamiliar, self-generated and borrowed elements to form a unique amalgam. Whichever strategy chosen, most attempts were provisional. By rehearsing these clumsy, often ineffective, sometimes inauthentic selves, they learned more about the limitations and potential of their repertoires and thus began to make decisions about what elements to keep, refine, reject, or continue to search for.
About the Provisional Selves study
This article is a qualitative study of junior professionals consultants and investment bankers navigating a transition from technical and managerial work to client advisory roles. In their interactions with their clients, they must convey a credible image long before they have fully internalized the underlying professional identity. Professional identity is defined as the relatively stable and enduring constellation of attributes, beliefs, values, motives, and experiences in terms of which people define themselves in a professional role (Schein, 1978). A basic assumption is that professional identity forms over time with varied experiences and meaningful feedback that allow people to gain insight about their central and enduring preferences, talents, and values (Schein, 1978); therefore, professional identity is more adaptable and mutable early in one's career. Identity is distinguished from image or persona, terms I use interchangeably, to refer to the impressions people believe they convey to others. 1 People enact personas that convey qualities they want others to ascribe to them, for example, qualities prescribed by their professional roles, such as judgment, business acumen, competence, creativity, and trustworthiness. While some of those qualities may be well-defined aspects of their identities, others may be incongruent with their self-conceptions, and still others remain to be elaborated with experience.
Despite consensus in the socialization literature that identity changes accompany work role changes, the process by which identity evolves remains underexplained. In this article I argue that people adapt to new professional roles by experimenting with images that serve as trials for possible but not yet fully elaborated professional identities. These "provisional selves" are temporary solutions people use to bridge the gap between their current capacities and self-conceptions and the representations they hold about what attitudes and behaviors are expected in the new role. As practical tests of possibilities that can only be clarified with experience, the concept of provisional selves builds on but differs from the notion of possible selves, i.e., individuals' ideas about who they might become (Markus and Nurius, 1986). The study advances the socialization literature by combining ideas about adaptation processes with ideas about identity construction to investigate how possible selves are created, tested, discarded, and revised in the course of career transition.
Excerpted from "Provisional Selves: Experimenting With Image and Identity in Professional Adaptation"
Evidence of Experimenting with Provisional Selves | |
Imitation strategies | Evidence |
Wholesale
imitation: Adopts persona from role models without much adaptation. |
"I feel
I have a lot to learn from Z. He doesn't script this out
but gives me enough so I really feel like I can just go
in there and repeat what he said and feel confident that
it was the right thing to do." [C 4 F] "My whole perspective has been flipped around. My natural style has been passive and laid back: 'Tell me what to do and I'll do it.' To compensate for that, I thought I had to be aggressive. My model was a director who is very direct with his clients. His approach is 'let me tell you....' But I overcompensated by being arrogant with the client. I was not open to exploring what the client believed, nor did I show I cared about their response....[This style] didn't fit with who I am, but I thought my normal approach wouldn't be effective here." [C 8 M] "When I started out, I was doing it like the person who taught me, then I developed my own style. The person I emulated is Director X. I followed him around, watched him on all his accounts... He is very laid back in his style with clients. Not aggressive almost not asking for the business. My tendency was to be laid back as well. It fit me, but I needed to be more assertive...he gets the business that way but he already has the relationships." [IB 23 F] |
Selective
imitation: Adapts elements of several role models' personas to create a new synthesis. |
"There
are a good half-dozen to a dozen senior people I'd view
as mentors. I think up until director, you're building
your skills, you're trying on different styles, like
different clothes, almost. You try and figure out what
styles fit your personality and fit what you're good at.
And then that's how you should try to go after
business." [IB 25 M] "I can't talk about some sport I'm not interested in. But you have to be able to talk to clients in an informal setting. That is something I'm still working on... You learn different styles from you colleagues. I looked at X's style and Y's style when he deals with institutional investors. So you just have to do it. I pick up some of the ways they would negotiate and develop my own style. Obviously I can't do exactly what X or Y does." [IB 24 M] "I have learned a lot about client interaction by seeing other people do it and then trying it myself. My preference is to have a large set of people as models, rather than a close few. A mosaic of different people. In each situation, I look to what I can learn from that person that I don't know now. G is a rising star who was useful on how to have the guts to confront senior people, H for getting clients to focus on the critical issues, F for one-on-one client interactions." [C 19M] |
True-to-self
strategies: Relies on internal models, familiar elements, and own style. |
"I'm
[creative, argumentative, demanding] with people at [my
firm]. With clients, I can get more careful, measured, I
joke around less, I'm less speculative.... You have to
develop your own style, to discover it for yourself. I
can't model myself on anyone." [C 7 F] "I've been making progress on it, but it's been slow. I'm reserved and shy walking into new client situations. I have trouble making a presence right from the start, getting noticed and getting them to focus on the issues. It's easier to be forceful with people I have known for a long time. Now, I focus more on the substance of what I want to get across. I'm very analytical and data driven. I don't tend to step out on a limb." [C 15 F] "I work to set the right first impression with clients by preparing very well for our meetings. I'm knowledgeable about their industry and come in with some valuable things to say. Over time, I work to develop more of a relationship, so they value my expertise, not some signal of a value how I present myself, what clothes I wear, how I speak, do I give a slick presentation." [C 6 F] |
Footnote
1 In organizational research, the terms image and construed external image have been used to refer to what members believe outsiders think about their organzations, while the term reputation has been used to refer to what outsiders actually perceive (Dutton and Dukerich, 1991; Dutton, Dukerich, and Harquail, 1994).